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Time to Get Scared: Welcome to the New American Century
By Owen Perry
Dear Mr. President:
We are writing you because we are convinced that current American policy
toward Iraq is not succeeding, and that we may soon face a threat in
the Middle East more serious than any we have known since the end of
the Cold War. In your upcoming State of the Union Address, you have
an opportunity to chart a clear and determined course for meeting this
threat. We urge you to seize that opportunity, and to enunciate a new
strategy that would secure the interests of the U.S. and our friends
and allies around the world. That strategy should aim, above all, at
the removal of Saddam Hussein's regime from power. We stand ready to
offer our full support in this difficult but necessary endeavor.
That was the beginning of a letter to the President of the United
States of America, not in 2002 before George W. Bush made his Axis
of Evil speech. The letter was written in 1998, during Bill Clinton's
administration-before September 11 and before the rush to protect
the Homeland.
The authors of the letter did not get their way in 1998, but they obviously
have now. Of course, most of the authors are better placed now to have
the president's ear; they include Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld,
Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, Defense Policy Board Chair
Richard Perle, National Security Council Chair Elliott Abrams, and other
high-ranking officials. These are a few of the members of what some
say is the president's foreign policy team, The Project for the New
American Century.
The members of PNAC are Reaganite Neo-Conservatives determined to ensure
The United States role as the dominant global force. PNAC states on
its Web site that its four major aims are:
1) to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out
our global responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for
the future.
2) to strengthen our ties to
democratic allies and to
challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values.
3) to promote the cause of
political and economic freedom abroad.
4) to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving
and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity,
and our principles.
But the essence of PNAC's ideology can be found in their 2000 White
Paper titled Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategy, Forces and
Resources for a New Century. In it, PNAC outlines what is required
of America to create the global empire they envision. PNAC says America
must:
* Reposition permanently based forces to Southern Europe, Southeast
Asia and the Middle East;
* Modernize U.S. forces,
including enhancing our fighter aircraft, submarine and surface fleet
capabilities;
* Develop and deploy a global missile defense system and develop a strategic
dominance of space;
* Control the International Commons of cyberspace;
* Increase defense spending to a minimum of 3.8 percent of gross domestic
product, up from the 3 percent currently spent.
What these goals entail and what they mean for the future of the United
States is up for interpretation and debate. And as the Bush administration
appears more and more to be following PNAC's advice, that debate and
interpretation has aroused.
PNAC members hold that the U.S. should indefinitely dominate Europe
and East Asia,
in order to prevent Germany, Japan, France, and other allies to develop.
Michael Lind is a Senior Fellow of the New America Foundation (Don't
confuse this with PNAC). He has been an editor or staff writer for The
New Yorker, Harper's Magazine, and The National Interest.
He has also been a major critic of PNAC. This policy naively assumes
that America's former Cold War allies will indefinitely tolerate the
use of their countries as launching-pads for actions in the Middle East
and elsewhere of which they disapprove, says Lind. Equally
naïve is the assumption that other major countries will defer to
the U.S. in security matters-as the opposition of every significant
great power except Britain to America's Iraq policy has now proven.
Lind wrote in an article for the The New Statesmen wrote, The
neo-con defense intellectuals, as well as being in or around the actual
Pentagon, are at the centre of a metaphorical 'pentagon' of the Israel
lobby and the religious right, plus conservative think-tanks, foundations
and media empires.
Perhaps the most controversial side of Lind's pentagon is the Israel
lobby and its connection to the religious right. Lind argues that Wolfowitz
and Douglas Feith (Under Secretary of Defense for Policy) have close
ties to the Jewish-American Israel lobby. Wolfowitz has served as the
Bush administration's liaison to the American Israel Public Affairs
Committee. Feith was given an award by the Zionist Organization of America.
Feith and Perle wrote a policy paper that advised the Israeli government
to end the Oslo peace process, reoccupy Palestinian territories and
crush Yasser Arafat's government.
Lind writes that the most supportive members of Likud in the Republican
Party are southern Christian fundamentalists. The religious right
believes that God gave all of Palestine to the Jews, and fundamentalist
congregations spend millions to subsidise Jewish settlements in the
occupied territories, says Lind.
The other major corner of the neo-conservative pentagon is built of
several right-wing media empires. Rupert Murdoch, while not a member
of PNAC, still supports them. He controls Fox Television network. His
magazine the Weekly Standard, edited by William Kristol, the former
chief of staff of former Vice President Dan Quayle, acts as a
mouthpiece for defence intellectuals such as Perle, Wolfowitz, Feith
and Woolsey as well as for Sharon's government, says Lind.
Another media supporter of PNAC is The National Interest (of which Lind
was executive editor from 1991-94). That publication is now funded by
Conrad Black, who owns the Jerusalem Post and the Hollinger empire in
Britain and Canada. Most of the groups praise comes form the Washington
Times, owned by the South Korean Reverend Sun Myung Moon, which owns
the newswire UPI. UPI is now run by John O'Sullivan (ghost-writer for
Margaret Thatcher who once worked as an editor for Conrad Black in Canada).
The connections between these people go on and on.
It is clear that these individuals dominate the policies of the Bush
administration. Some see their ideas and actions as a blueprint for
a new global empire. Whether this is true is yet to be seen. As cliché
as the phrase has become, the world has changed since September 11.
The War on Terrorism and the Bush Doctrine have changed war and diplomacy
for the foreseeable future.
If Bush remains in power, how much more ingrained will the neo-conservative
philosophy become in America? If America takes responsibility for the
world militarily condition will it have to do so economically? And more
importantly, do the 5.75 billion non-Americans of the world want it
to?
Owen Perry is a senior journalism major. Email him at operry1@ithaca.edu,
unless you are a Neo-Conservative.
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