Academic Research

Althaus, Scott, and Coe, Kevin. The Role of News Coverage in Shaping Public Support for War. Conference Papers. International Communication Association; 2007 Annual Meeting, 1-1,

When politicians and citizens are asked to identify what causes public support for war to change over time, news coverage about the war almost always comes up as a likely suspect. Yet scholarship on this topic has almost completely neglected the role of news coverage in changing levels of public support, despite the widespread assumption that the standard factors used to explain public support-numbers of casualties, costs and benefits of the conflict, dramatic "rally" events, and whether American forces appear to be winning or losing-are conveyed through news coverage to the mass public. Our study is the first to directly test the impact of news coverage on public support for war across a range of major military conflicts. After controlling for casualties and the passage of time, we find that increases in support for war tend to occur during periods with relatively high levels of prominent news coverage about the war. We also find that the intensity of war coverage tends to have a larger impact on support for war than the evaluative tone of that news coverage. We conclude that the dominant opinion process underlying support for major American wars seems to be neither persuasion nor attitude reinforcement, but rather the tendency for war news to activate supportive social identities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patrick, Brian, and Thrall, A. Trevor. Beyond Hegemony: Classical Propaganda Theory and Presidential Communication Strategy After the Invasion of Iraq. Mass Communication & Society; Winter2007, Vol. 10 Issue 1: 95-118

The "hegemonic" tradition argues that the president enjoys unparalleled power to manage news and opinion during war. This approach has dominated political communication literature on war and the media for over a generation. The war with Iraq, however, provides a major challenge to conventional wisdom. We believe that classical propaganda theory provides a useful corrective to the hegemonic perspective and offers a better way to understand the Bush administration's propaganda strategy and its impact on public opinion. Using a combination of content analysis, opinion data, and analysis of the administration's Iraq-related public addresses, we argue that the president neither dominated war news nor managed public opinion in the manner predicted by hegemonic theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]


Carpentier, Nico. Revisiting analyses of media-war relationships in times of contingency and fluidity. Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research; Dec 2006, Vol. 31 Issue 4: 469-480

The review essay deals with two recent publications on media-war relationships: Tumber and Palmer's ‘Media at war. The Iraq crisis’ (2004) and Thussu and Freedman's ‘War and the media. Reporting conflict 24/7’ (2003/2005). Two questions are raised in this essay. First, is it still relevant to look back at two publications on media-war relationships when (at least some of) the wars they focus on have fundamentally altered? And even more importantly, is there a convincing reason for actually reading them? Answering these questions allows for a more fundamental reflection on the importance of academic activities in relationship to issues of media and war. Three answers are suggested: the importance and necessity of documenting, analyzing and archiving war, the facilitation of academic and societal dialogue on the issues of war, and the analyses of the political, economical, cultural, technological and ideological contexts that transcend singular wars. Especially the last domain is considered crucial. Although each war is characterized by a high degree of specificity and contingency, which unavoidably influences and alters the media-war-military relationships, the contextual analyses enable uncovering the presence of more structural aspects in these relationships. More specifically, these contextual analyses teach us most about the role of power and ideology in the representational processes that deal with war. These analyses again show the powerlessness of media and media professionals to escape from the dichotomized ideological model of war and from the (direct or indirect) legitimization of what Knightley termed ‘the institution of war’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moyer-Gusé, Emily, and Smith, Stacy L. Children and the War on Iraq: Developmental Differences in Fear Responses to Television News Coverage. Media Psychology; 2006, Vol. 8 (3): 213-237

The purpose of this study was to examine age-related differences in children's responses to news coverage of the War on Iraq. To this end, a random sample of 161 parents of 5- to 17-year-olds in Ingham County, Michigan was surveyed about their child's fear responses to the war and patterns of exposure. Using developmental theory and research, age-related hypotheses were advanced. The results show that 13- to 17-year-olds reportedly watched more news coverage of the war and experienced greater fear/concern than did 5- to 8-year-olds. Also consistent with predictions, younger children were reportedly more scared by concrete, visual dangers depicted in the news whereas older children were reportedly more scared by abstract, verbally communicated threats. Despite multiple controls, news viewing of the War on Iraq was a significant and positive predictor of children's heightened safety concerns but not behavioral manifestations of upset. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kumar, Deepa Media, War, and Propaganda: Strategies of Information Management During the 2003 Iraq War. Communication & Critical/Cultural Studies; March 2006, Vol. 3  (1): 48-69

It is now widely acknowledged that the Bush administration used faulty and false information to justify the 2003 war on Iraq, and that the mainstream media, by not adequately investigating the case for war, assisted with the project. In this paper, I outline the particular strategies employed by the media–military industrial complex to ensure a dominance of pro-war arguments in the public sphere. I conclude by arguing that the failure of the media in the US to meet the democratic needs of this society places enormous responsibility on intellectuals to produce scholarship critical of the new imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lin, Carolyn. Public Opinion and the Iraq War: The Role of News Perceptions and Core Values.


Audience perception of news coverage can have an influence on how they perceive news events and draw meanings from them; such influences may also vary depending on the events and the journalistic treatment of those events. The present study explored the relations between the public’s receptivity towards the Iraq war coverage, perceived news coverage quality and support for the war. In explicating these relations, the public’s sense of core values that could help drive the rallying effects was also be examined in relation to the constructs of news frames, news coverage quality and support for the war. Results indicate that Iraq War news frames, including “Iraq as a security threat” and “rationale for war,”—along with sense of core values and news coverage quality—were all significantly related to public support for the war. These results were further analyzed by a structural equation model, with additional discussion provided. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]


Groshek, Christopher. Shifting Dissent: Media Coverage of the Decision to Go to War in Iraq. Conference Papers -- International Communication Association; 2005 Annual Meeting, New York, NY:1-27

The article evaluates the media coverage before and after the U.S. Congress passed the resolution that authorized the use of military force in Iraq. There was a sharp decline in critical coverage after Congress passed the resolution. However, the press continued to report substantial levels of opposition. The results suggest a more nuanced relationship between the news media and the government than frequently reported.



Stringer, Sharon. Perceptions of a small-town newspaper's war coverage. Grassroots Editor; Spring 2005, Vol. 46 (1): 20-23

The article reports that as the role of media in public education continues to be defined and the number of media outlets increases, small-town newspapers must finds ways to maintain readership loyalty and develop new customers. While many small, community newspapers focus much of their attention on local issues; readers have a special interest in news development during important news events, such as wartime. So, publishers and editors who understand their readers must find ways to meet readership needs during important news events. For example, in a random sample of 378 rural Pennsylvania voters' perceptions of the effectiveness of media coverage of the 2003 Iraqi war, it was found that more than one-third of the respondents read the local newspaper daily. Less than half indicated that they rely mostly on television for information about issues important to them. Seventeen percent of the respondents read the newspaper once in a while and a surprising 6 percent admitted to never reading the newspaper. Findings also indicate that more than half of the respondents agreed that broadcast media tends to entertain more than inform or educate, while less than one-third indicated that newspapers functioned as an entertainment vehicle.


Miller, Judith. The New York Times, and the Propaganda Model. Journalism Studies; Nov2004, Vol. 5 (4): 435-449

An assessment of Herman and Chomsky's 1988 five-filter propaganda mode! suggests it is mainly valuable for identifying areas in which researchers should look for evidence of collaboration (whether intentional or otherwise) between mainstream media and the propaganda aims of the ruling establishment The model does not identify methodologies for determining the relative weight of independent filters in different contexts, something that would be useful in its future development There is a lack of precision in the characterization of some of the filters. The model privileges the structural factors that determine propagandized news selection, and therefore eschews or marginalizes internationality. This paper extends the model to include the "buying out" of journalists or their publications by intelligence and related special interest organizations. It applies the extended six-filter model to controversies over reporting by The New York Times of the build-up towards the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, the issue of weapons of mass destruction in general, and the reporting of The New York Times correspondent Judith Miller in particular, in the context of broader critiques of US mainstream media war coverage. The controversies helped elect evidence of the operation of some filters of the propaganda model, including dependence on official sources, fear of flak, and ideological convergence. The paper finds that the filter of routine news operations needs to be counterbalanced by its opposite, namely non-routine abuses of standard operating procedures. While evidence of the operation of other filters was weaker, this is likely due to difficulties of observability, as there are powerful deductive reasons for maintaining all six filters within the framework of media propaganda analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robertson, Lori. IMAGES OF WAR. American Journalism Review; Oct/Nov2004, Vol. 26 (5): 44-51

This article looks at how journalists depict the image of war, particularly the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq which started in 2003. In April 2003, Time magazine published a number of photographs from the Iraq war, each dramatically spread across two full pages. Among them, the image of a dead Iraqi lying in the desert. The photograph was powerful. The man's mouth slightly open, his face fully visible, his body lying on the dry, cracked red earth, a column of U.S. military vehicles in the distance. It was a tragic image of war, but more poetic than graphic. Some argue news executives still are worrying a bit too much about what the public's reaction might be to blood and gore. But most of the journalists interviewed for this article reject the notion that the media shied away from using images of civilian casualties and the like. The images changed as the nature of the conflict changed, they say. Though many believe the U.S. press has crept toward the conservative over the years in its handling of graphic images. It is a decision made easier once everyone sees what other outlets did. U.S. Photojournalist James H. Kenney is not sure the media have become more conservative, but he could not name any U.S. media organization, television or print, that showed material particularly more graphic than what the public saw elsewhere.

Penrod, Grant. Letting Loose the Images of War. News Media & the Law; Summer 2004, Vol. 28 (3): 7-9

The article focuses on the U.S. government's ban on media or news coverage of war images. Images of war have the potential to affect public perception and opinion in ways that words alone cannot. The Pentagon's ban on media coverage of the coffins brought to Dover Air Force Base in Delaware looks to many journalists like an effort to control reporting that might bring a negative image to war. As the U.S. military prepared for the invasion of Iraq in March 2003, the Pentagon reiterated its policy banning media coverage of the return of soldiers' coffins to the U.S. air bases. Under government pressure, a U.S. military contract employee was fired by her employer for photographing coffins being loaded aboard a transport plane returning to the U.S. The policy of protecting families' privacy has not always been so strictly enforced. One June 21, 2004, an amendment that would have lifted the ban was defeated in the U.S. Senate, 54-39. The public has a strong interest in being able to evaluate the human costs of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan whereas the interest in access to the Foster photos was diminished by the conclusions of previous investigations. Access to hundreds of photographs of abused prisoners taken by U.S. prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq including the dozen or so leaked to the media create a more difficult and complex situation. [ABSTRACT]


Matthews, Louise. The latest casualty: Phillip Knightley on media failure. Pacific Journalism Review; Sep2003, Vol. 9: 22-25,

Provides the media context for the U.S.-Iraq war in 2003. Experiences of journalist Phillip Knightley on media failure during his coverage of the war; Patriotic and journalistic tensions set up during wartime; Temptation for journalists to support their country to the detriment of their profession. [ABSTRACT]

Jordan, John W. Disciplining the Virtual Home Front: Mainstream News and the Web During the War in Iraq. Communication & Critical/Cultural Studies; Sep2007, Vol. 4 (3): 276-302

Considered by many to be the first war of the Information Age, the 2003 War in Iraq provided a unique opportunity for observing how the American mainstream press defined the Web's journalistic value and how it reacted to the competition from alternative online news sources. In an attempt to exert control over the Web as a journalistic space, the mainstream press used rhetorics of "professionalism" to discipline online news seekers into conforming to the definition of "news" favored by the mainstream press. This essay analyzes these tactics and their implications for the Web's journalistic potential, and concludes with a call for a more collaborative online journalism that maintains journalistic credibility while also incorporating a wider variety of perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]


US: IS THE PROBLEM THE PR, OR THE POLICY?
Global Information Network. New York: Sep 14, 2006. pg. 1
Abstract (Summary)

Print journalists didn't perform much better. A May 2005 review by Los Angeles Times writer James Rainey of the coverage of a six- month period -- when 559 U.S. and Western ally soldiers died in Iraq -- by six major U.S. newspapers and two popular newsmagazines found that "readers of the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Los Angeles Times, New York Times, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, and Washington Post did not see a single picture of a dead serviceman."

"[Donald Rumsfeld]'s complaints are an interesting twist of the truth since the reality is that the United States has spent hundreds of millions of dollars on media campaigns that have been spectacularly ineffective," [Sheldon Rampton] told IPS in a telephone interview. "That the enemy has been more effective in communicating its message to the world is not so much a reflection of their media savvy as it is on the ineffective message of the United States.

With things continuing to spiral out of control in Iraq, the [Bush] administration has once again decided that it's a public relations problem; a question of propaganda, not policy. Around the same time that Rumsfeld was on the road railing about anti-war appeasers and confused critics that were enabling terrorism, and how much better the terrorists were in handling the media, the Washington Post reported that "U.S. military leaders in Baghdad have put out for bid a two-year, $20 million public relations contract that calls for extensive monitoring of U.S. and Middle Eastern media in an effort to promote more positive coverage of news from Iraq."




Hus, Gorill, and Wiggen, Guri. U.S. CENSORSHIP IS 'RAMPANT,' TOP BROADCASTER SAYS. Global Information Network. New York: Jul 3, 2003: 1

[John Pilger] and [Robert Fisk] both spoke to IPS on visits to Oslo. Pilger came to receive the $100,000 Sophie Prize for 30 years of work to expose deception in the media. Fisk came to give a lecture at Fritt Ord, a Norwegian media foundation.

"The most important soldiers in the Iraq war were not the troops, but the journalists and the broadcasters," Pilger says. "Lies were transformed into themes for public debate. The true reason was of course - as we all now know - not to rid Iraq of Saddam Hussein and remove their alleged weapons of mass destruction, but to achieve the real Anglo-American aim; to capture an oil rich country and to control the Middle East."

Coupled with the self-censorship is the censorship being imposed by the U.S. on the Iraqi media, Fisk says. This too is not being reported adequately in the United States. The U.S. administration has set up a committee for censorship in Iraq, which means the Iraqi press can publish anything to remind people about the terror of Saddam, but is not allowed to write freely about current events crucial to them and their future. [ABSTRACT]

Carpenter, Serena. U.S. ELITE AND NON-ELITE NEWSPAPERS' PORTRAYAL OF THE IRAQ WAR: A COMPARISON OF FRAMES AND SOURCE USE. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. Columbia: Winter 2007. Vol. 84 (4); 761

Stories front two elite and four non-elite newspapers were content analyzed for the use of sources and frames over a three-year period during and after the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. The study used frames previously applied in studies conducted on elite publications. Results indicate that the use of frames and the inclusion of international, national, and local sources differed significantly; however, the inclusion of military sources was nearly balanced in elite and non-elite newspapers. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Herber, Lori, and Filak, Vincent. Iraq War Coverage Differs In U.S., German Papers
Newspaper Research Journal. Athens: Summer 2007. Vol. 28 (3); 37

In Germany, however, 87 percent opposed the war in Iraq.1 Research regarding how war is covered found that reporters could alter the public's perception of the issue by emphasizing select words, innuendos or sources.2 By portraying UN weapons inspectors in a positive light and George Bush in a negative light, German newspapers further reinforced the anti-war sentiment in Germany.3 Conversely, by focusing on the U.S. military's achievements, American newspapers would thus prompt the American public to view military success as the most newsworthy aspect of war.4 As the Iraq War transitioned to a peacekeeping and rebuilding mission, attitudes regarding the presence of U.S. troops in that region began to be a larger question for citizens around the world. Research regarding the impact of embedded reporters has been limited, but studies have found that embedded reporters altered the tone of coverage to reflect a biased view in favor of the military or that the reporters were only able to provide a very shallow pool of information.15 Certain television reporters even used the term "we" as they chronicled American soldiers in the desert,16 projecting a general sense of a collective identity among the troops and journalists stationed in Iraq.\n Both papers clearly relied on official sources, but FAZ was less constrained in the types of officials they consulted. [ABSTRACT]



Dimitrova, Daniela. Episodic Frames Dominate Early Coverage Of Iraq War in the NYTimes.com. Newspaper Research Journal. Athens: Fall 2006. Vol. 27, (4); 79

In cases of war, for example, news media can focus on victory and successful military strategy. Based on U.S. television news coverage, Iyengar14 developed a typology for two types of generic news frames-episodic and thematic. [ABSTRACT]

ARAB SATELLITE TELEVISION AND CRISIS REPORTING: Covering the Fall of Baghdad
Mohamed Zayani, Muhammad I Ayish. The International Communication Gazette. Deventer: Oct/Dec 2006. Vol. 68, Iss. 5/6; pg. 473
Abstract (Summary)

The question as to what dictates the choices of various media outlets and what guides the professional practices of journalists when reporting on international military crises is particularly pertinent when considering Arab media, who have been claiming a space in the global media scene by virtue of their intense and often controversial coverage of wars and crises in the postSeptember 11 era. This article is concerned with the coverage of the war against Iraq. It examines how Arab media reported the fall of Baghdad and the collapse of the regime of Saddam Hussein. The study focuses on how three pan-Arab satellite news channels that have been at the forefront of the coverage of the war against Iraq - Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya and Abu Dhabi Channel-handled the news from a narrative and visual perspective. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Blaming the Media for Bad War News
Norman Solomon. The Humanist. Washington, DC: May/Jun 2006. Vol. 66, Iss. 3; pg. 35, 2 pgs
Abstract (Summary)

Top officials in Pres George W. Bush's administration have often complained that news coverage of Iraq focuses on negative events too much and fails to devote enough attention to positive developments, yet the White House rarely picks direct fights with US media outlets during the war because for the most part, Pres Bush leaves it to others to scapegoat the media. Solomon criticizes Pres Bush and his administration for evading the media and using the war backers to blame the news media on his behalf.

The "I" of Embedded Reporting: An Analysis of CNN Coverage of the "Shock and Awe" Campaign
Julia R. Fox, Byungho Park. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. Washington: Mar 2006. Vol. 50, Iss. 1; pg. 36
Abstract (Summary)

This study compares the use of personal pronouns in embedded and nonembedded reports during CNN coverage of the "Shock and Awe" campaign and investigates the context in which personal pronouns were used by embedded reporters. As predicted, there was more frequent use of personal pronouns by embedded reporters than by nonembedded reporters. However, the reports were void of personal values and ideologies, suggesting that journalists and scholars need to rethink the concept of objectivity in general terms of broad standards of impartial inquiry, rather than as absolute adherence to traditional conventions and techniques such as the use of impersonal, third-person writing style. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Mainstream News Media, an Objective Approach, and the March to War in Iraq
Michael Ryan. Journal of Mass Media Ethics. Provo: 2006. Vol. 21, Iss. 1; pg. 4
Abstract (Summary)

Americans were forced to decide during an 18-month period of intense uncertainty whether to invade Iraq as part of the war against terrorism. This article reports compelling evidence that mainstream media between September 2001 and March 2003 failed in their primary responsibility: to provide sound news and commentary on which Americans could base critical decisions about war and peace. One reason is that journalists did not use an objective approach-in part because it had been discredited by media professionals and critics who advocated more activist approaches. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]


Embedded Reporting During the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq: How the Embedding of Journalists Affects Television News Reports
Michael Pfau, Michel M. Haigh, Lindsay Logsdon, Christopher Perrine, et al. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. Washington: Dec 2005. Vol. 49, Iss. 4; pg. 468
Abstract (Summary)

This study compared embedded and nonembedded (unilateral) television news coverage during the invasion and the occupation of Iraq. Content analysis was conducted of ABC, CBS, NBC, and CNN news during the invasion and during the occupation examining whether embedded and nonembedded news reports were different and, if so, how. The results revealed that compared to nonembedded reports, embedded network television news stories were more favorable in overall tone toward the military, more favorable in depictions of military personnel, and featured greater use of episodic frames which, as a result, elicited somewhat more positive relational cues. In addition, the results indicated that compared to network news coverage of the occupation, news stories of the invasion were more positive in tone and employed more episodic framing.[PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

As Goes the Statue, So Goes the War: The Emergence of the Victory Frame in Television Coverage of the Iraq War
Sean Aday, John Cluverius, Steven Livingston. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. Washington: Aug 2005. Vol. 49, Iss. 3; pg. 314
Abstract (Summary)

This study analyzes how broadcast news coverage of the toppling of a statue of Saddam Hussein on April 9, 2003, employed a "victory" frame that crowded out other potential news narratives from that day, notably the heavy fighting continuing throughout Baghdad and other parts of Iraq. A second level of analysis comparing the news agendas of the 2 networks in the week prior to and the week after April 9th suggests that the victory frame had the effect of dramatically reducing the amount of battle-related stories.[PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

"HOW WE PERFORMED": EMBEDDED JOURNALISTS' ATTITUDES AND PERCEPTIONS TOWARDS COVERING THE IRAQ WAR
Shahira Fahmy, Thomas J Johnson. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. Columbia: Summer 2005. Vol. 82, Iss. 2; pg. 301, 17 pgs
Abstract (Summary)

A survey of embedded journalists suggests an overall positive perception of embedded reporting. While most embeds agreed their reports provided a narrow slice of the conflict, they still had a positive view of their work. Respondents also noted their stories differed from the stories of non-embedded journalists and perceived both types of reporting as invaluable. Further, embeds' attitudes towards the war, age, professional experience, and online reporting were correlated with perceived performance. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

FRAMING OF THE 2003 U.S.-IRAQ WAR DEMONSTRATIONS: AN ANALYSIS OF NEWS AND PARTISAN TEXTS
Catherine A Luther, M Mark Miller. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. Columbia: Spring 2005. Vol. 82, Iss. 1; pg. 78, 19 pgs
Abstract (Summary)

This study examines press coverage of pro- and anti-war demonstrations before and during the 2003 U.S.-led Iraq war. Computer analysis revealed the existence of partisan master frames in texts by pro- and anti-war organizational groups, and that news articles about each group reflected the frames of the group in question more so than the opposing group's frames. An examination of cues of legitimization and delegitimization in the news articles showed that cue words of delegitimization were used more in anti-war articles than in pro-war articles. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Media Messaging and Conflict
Tom Hastings. Peace Review. Palo Alto: 2005. Vol. 17, Iss. 4; pg. 389
Abstract (Summary)

In 2003, the Pentagon seized control of the media, requiring journalists covering the Iraq War to either be embedded or face the chance of summary execution. Most news organizations chose the option of being embedded into the armed forces as they liberated Iraq.

Brasted, Monica. Protest in the Media. Peace Review. Palo Alto: 2005. Vol. 17 (4); p. 383

In the early months of the war in Iraq, there appeared to be little opposition to U.S. involvement, at least in the American media. There is a growing peace movement in the U.S. and around the world. The issue for investigation is how this movement has been portrayed in the media. [ABSTRACT]

Kull, Steven. The Press and Public Misperceptions About the Iraq War. Nieman Reports. Cambridge: Summer 2004. Vol. 58 (2); pg. 64

During the summer of 2003, the Program on International Policy Attitudes at the University of Maryland, together with the polling firm Knowledge Networks, conducted a large-scale study of US public perceptions and misperceptions related to the Iraq War, with a special eye to determining what role the press might have played in this process. Kull presents this study, which raises compelling questions about the role and practice of the press in a democratic society. The research found three widespread misperceptions, among others, 49% believed that the US had found evidence that Iraq was working closely with al-Qaeda. [ABSTRACT]

Al-Arian, Laila. Media Coverage of the War in Iraq. The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs. Washington: Jul/Aug 2004. Vol. 23, Iss. 6; pg. 86, 2 pgs

At Washington DC's Middle East Institute on Jun 2, veteran journalists Claude Salhani and Hisham Melhem analyzed the media coverage of the Iraq war in America and the Arab world. Salhani opened his talk by noting that there is now a proliferation of Arab satellite stations in the Middle East--many of which are accused of "over-coverage" of events in the Arab world while Melhem criticized reporters in the Arab world for emphasizing the destructive aspects of the war--the civilian casualties and destruction of infrastructure. Al-Arian reports. [ABSTRACT]


Pfau, Michael, Michel Haigh, Mitchell Gettle, Michael Donnelly, et al. EMBEDDING JOURNALISTS IN MILITARY COMBAT UNITS: IMPACT ON NEWSPAPER STORY FRAMES AND TONE. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. Columbia: Spring 2004. Vol. 81 (1); pg. 74

This investigation probed whether embedded journalist coverage of the first days of the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq produced print news coverage that was either more decontextualized inform or more favorable in tone. Embedded news coverage of the first days of Operation "Iraqi Freedom" was compared to nonembedded, so-called "unilateral" coverage; and print coverage of "Iraqi Freedom " was compared with the first days of U.S. ground operations in Operations "Enduring Freedom" and "Desert Storm." The results indicated that embedded journalists in Operation "Iraqi Freedom" produced news stories that featured more episodic frames, compared to both nonembedded reporters in "Iraqi Freedom" and overall coverage of Operation "Enduring Freedom." The results also revealed that, compared to nonembedded reporting, embedded print coverage of "Iraqi freedom" was more favorable in overall tone toward the military and in depiction of individual troops, but this bias did not produce more positive overall coverage compared to recent conflicts. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Reynolds, Glenn Harlan. Weblogs and journalism: Back to the future? Nieman Reports. Cambridge: Fall 2003. Vol. 57 (3); pg. 81

Allbritton relates his blogging experience in covering the Iraq war with the use of a laptop, satellite phone and reader-generated budget. His B2I Web site brought stories that the mainstream media didn't, stories that were done without any outside pressure being applied.